TO BE IT YOU NEED TO SEE IT: WHAT IF INDIANA JONES HAD BEEN A WOMAN?

Merle Greene Robertson, Archeologist, Artist, Scholar

I've written about Maya women warriors and queens, women archeologists, anthropologists, epigraphers, authors and artists, all who've inspired the masses. After reading a Washington Post Op-Ed (A Woman to Reboot Indiana Jones? Yes, Please) by bio-archeologist Brenna Hassett when the latest Indiana Jones film starring Hollywood's favorite archeologist came out, she reminded us that overall, the study of archeology is dominated by men. 

Says Hassett, "This is what generations of girls—me included—saw when we saw archeology, and that's a problem. Because to be it, you need to see it."

So let's address women trailblazers in archeology who've carved a place for themselves and those who came after—the likes of Merle Greene Robertson and Linda Schele for starters. In her study of the Maya, Robertson lived as many adventures as the more famous Dr. Jones, traipsing through Central American jungles, crossing rivers, evading looters, working hours on end creating a multitude of life-size art rubbings in dam, cramped spaces. 

Linda Schele was a major scholar, author and trail blazer in the decipherment of Maya hieroglyphic writing and the study of ancient American civilization. Her death at age 55 in 1998 was a terrible loss to archeology and the study of the ancient Maya.

I'll begin with a previous 2022 post on Robertson, a larger than life presence in the world of Maya archeology and culture. Next will be Linda Schele and I'll then continue with women outliers in the global field of archeology and anthropology, several of whom I've already written about.

MERLE GREENE ROBERTSON

Merle Greene Robertson was an archeologist, artist, scholar and Maya explorer, but these are mere labels. Her entrance into the study, portrayal and exploration of the Maya culture was a catalyst for introducing the ancient Maya to the modern world through art, photography and exploration of numerous Maya sites. After I read Never in Fear, her autobiography, I realized she well could have been the glue that stuck it all together, the Gertrude Stein of the Maya world. Along with fellow scholars, she shaped an understanding of the ancient Maya civilization. She galvanized others, as an organizer, planner, dynamo and she knew everyone in the field from Eric S. Thompson and Alberto Ruz to Michael Coe, George Stuart and those who came after.

INCIDENTS OF TRAVEL IN YUCATÁN

Her enthusiasm and limitless energy in regard to Maya culture made her a fulcrum at the very moment the Maya re-emerged on the world stage after an unduly long absence. The first European and American explorers who stumbled onto these pyramid sites in the 1840s were floored by what they saw. A blockbuster bestseller in 1846, Incidents of Travel in Yucatán, written by John Lloyd Stephens with drawings by Frederick Catherwood, ushered the reader into Maya sites at Uxmal, Chichen Itza, and Copan for starters. The book literally blew the collective mind of the world. No one had a clue that intricate stepped pyramids lay hidden, covered by centuries of vines and forest, deep in Mexican and Central American jungles. The archeology world lay in the mid-east and far east. Before the release of Stephens' and Catherwood's book, the word "bestseller" had not yet been coined. 

Frederick Catherwood Maya Drawing

The world clambered for more knowledge of this mysterious civilization, hidden in southern rainforests of North America. Stephens' concise writing along with Catherwood's magnificent drawings assisted in shaping the identity of one of the world's great civilizations—the Maya. Previously unknown, the Maya had joined an iconic club alongside other great civilizations: Egypt, Mesopotamia, the Indus Valley and China.

ROBERTSON AND HER WORK 

Robertson is nearly indefinable, so interwoven was the role she played with her Maya work over the past fifty years—from assisting in breaking the Maya hieroglyphic code, to co-founding the Palenque Roundtable talks, including trekking to and exploring scores of pyramid sites in Mexico and Central America. Not to mention the body of work she left behind after reviving an ancient archeological rubbing technique using Japanese ink on rice paper.

She created beautiful reproductions of countless stela, columns, tombs, sarcophagus lids, often produced in unfavorable circumstances after trekking through rugged terrain and dense forests crawling with snakes and buzzing with bothersome mosquitoes. Occasionally she and her crew had close calls with grave robbers. A life of leisure was never to be hers— she wouldn't have wanted it. Not unlike Frederick Catherwood's drawings, Robertson's sublime rubbings brought the Maya to the world visually.

ANCIENT TECHNIQUE

Finished Rubbing, Stela 16, Dos Pilas

Merle Greene Robertson was a legend in the world of Meso-American studies and Maya epigraphy. With over five thousand rubbings to her name, thanks to a generous heart, many landed in museums and universities throughout the world. She not only explored these faraway Maya sites but shared her knowledge with others. Often her expeditions included lucky students who accompanied her in what would no doubt become the experience of a lifetime.

NEVER IN FEAR 

With a career that spanned close to sixty years, it's impossible in a single post to condense all that Robertson accomplished. Turning page after page in her autobiography, Never in Fear, it seemed she lived her life in warp-speed.

Do we shape our lives, or are our lives shaped by our experiences and those we meet along the way? After reading Robertson's autobiography, apparently her future unfolded while growing up in the rural West where she developed an interest in Native American culture.

EARLY BEGINNINGS

Born in Montana, she lived on land flanked by the Rocky Mountains. Her interest in Native American culture was ignited when her father took her to visit Blackfoot Indian chiefs. She was also influenced by nearby Montana neighbor Charles M. Russell, one of the greatest western artists of all time, who encouraged her interest in art and drawing. Meeting Blackfoot Indians and watching Russell paint may have shaped her future at an early age. 

She attended university in California and graduated with a degree in art. Later she attended the Instituto Allende in San Miguel de Allende, Mexico, where she studied watercolors, oils, photography, and mural painting for three summers before earning her MFA from University of Guanajuato.

Afterwards she went to Tikal, Guatemala, to work on a University of Pennsylvania project where she made architectural drawings of the Central Acropolis. This was her entry into recording monuments by means of rubbings. The technique is an ancient one, the earliest taken from Buddhist texts on wooden blocks in 8th century Japan, or from rubbings practiced in 2nd century China. Robertson brought it to an art form. Her perfection of the technique showed how rubbings could be a means of documentation of Maya relief sculpture.

SUMMER EXCURSIONS TO MAYA COUNTRY

Central Acropolis, Tikal (Afar)

Robertson's working life was as a teacher at Robert Louis Stevenson School in Pebble Beach, California, where she met her second husband, Lawrence "Bob" Robertson. In the summer of 1960 they began taking students to Guatemala and Mexico for summer vacation. The main purpose of the trips was to record in photos and rubbings the magnificent monuments on which the ancient Maya carved. Even as early as the 1960s, the looting of Maya sites was common and Robertson's desire was to record as much of the Maya civilization as possible before it was hacked to pieces or sold off to private collectors.

PALENQUE AND PAKAL'S TOMB

Though Tikal, her first jungle excursion, stole her heart, once in Mexico, Palenque replaced Tikal as her number one site. Her documentation of the site was revolutionary. She started with the Temple of the Inscriptions. In order to photograph it before beginning her rubbing, giant scaffolding was constructed for her to stand on. Nothing she did was easy. Her rubbing of Pakal's sarcophagus lid, Palenque's greatest ruler, took super-human tenacity.             

She wrote, "The first thing I started on was the sarcophagus lid, down in the crypt of the Temple of the Inscriptions. A rubbing had never been done before. I worked locked in with only a lantern to see by. It was quite a trick getting myself on top of the lid. It took seven sheets of rice paper (1 x 2 meters). Also, I had to use oil paint instead of sumi ink; there could be no way to work on so much space and keep an inked area from running into the sheet of paper next to it. After two weeks working on the sarcophagus, doing several parts of it over time, I felt that Pakal was not only my friend but a long lost relative."

After the lid, she worked on the side. "Standing in water on the floor of the tomb, trying to do the rubbings and not getting the paper wet was no small feat, especially since the space between the walls of the crypt and the sarcophagus was barely wide enough for me to stand. All of the rubbing equipment had to be kept on top of the sarcophagus, making it difficult to reach when standing on the floor.

"Inch by inch, as different features of the ancestors of Pakal emerged, it was as though I was speaking with these dead kings—I now knew them. Being alone in the tomb was like being in their world long ago."

THE SCULPTURE OF PALENQUE

The results of her Palenque work was documented in a series titled The Sculpture of Palenque. She searched out pigment sources in that region to duplicate the colors used by Palenque artists centuries ago. Her impressive collection of rubbings represents a major archive of Maya monuments throughout the Maya world and has been a major resource for scholars studying the culture. 

Temple of the Sun Reconstruction Painting

At Palenque, she met Moises Morales, head guide and major domo of the site. Her friendship with Moises and his family would be a staple in her and Bob's lives for decades. At first he rented them a room and in the 70s built a house next to his in the La Cañada compound.

Merle and Bob worked together on the Maya projects—she as artist and he as jack of all trades, performing behind the scene duties that greased the wheels. Their presence in Palenque became an interest to traveling scholars and and their house, Na Chan-Bahlum, became a meeting place for every archeologist working in Chiapas, the Yucatán Peninsula, and Belize—their door was always open. Palenque is where Linda Schele and Merle met and became fast friends.

MAYA ROUNDTABLE IN PALENQUE

 In 1973, things were beginning to gel in the Maya world. Through conversations initially with Linda Schele and other Mayanists, an idea emerged— why not have a gathering of like minds? They put together a list and sent out feelers for a get-together. Soon afterwards, Merle heard from famed archeologist Michael Coe. He suggested December would be a good time. The idea ignited and the first Maya conference took place in 1973. Through discussions, lectures, late nights and visits to the pyramid structures footsteps away, the group was at the beginnings of breaking the Maya hieroglyphic code and figuring out who the ancient Maya were. The conference became known as Primera Mesa Redonda de Palenque.

Topic talks ranged from art, history, chronology, iconography, early explorers, inscriptions, sacrifice, trade and the surrounding area. Word got out and everyone came: guides, archeologists, scholars, artists, students. Fourteen universities from the US, Mexico, and Canada came and everyone was asked to have a paper ready to give as a lecture on the art, architecture, or iconography of Palenque. The second year, 1974, the governor of Chiapas opened the ceremonies in Palenque's Municipal Auditorium, it had grown that much. The first had convened in Merle and Bob's house in Palenque.

BREAKTHROUGH AT FIRST CONFERENCE

That first year's highlight was the discovery of the names of Palenque's rulers by Floyd Lounsbury, Linda Schele and Peter Mathews. The second year's highlight along with the governor presiding was the attendance of archeologist Dr. Alberto Lhuillier Ruz, famous for his discovery of the Tomb of the Temple of the Inscriptions where Pakal's sarcophagus was buried. Eventually, through the melding of minds, the Maya hieroglyphic code was broken, the turning point being that first Roundtable in 1973. 

Bob and Merle lived in Palenque and helped host Mesas Redondas until Bob's death in May, 1981. Merle went on to do many more Maya rubbings in the Yucatán, specifically at Chichen Itza, where at Hacienda Chichen, Robertson was given her own suite which became headquarters for her crew. After the Chichen Itza project, Merle traveled the world, visiting other archeologists, artists, and friends while painting and walking ancient ruins everywhere on the planet. 

Stela 1, Ixkun, the Peten, Guatemala

MAYA SITES VISITED

During her time studying and recording the Maya, Robertson visited and worked at Tikal, Sayaxche, Dos Pilas, Aguateca, Itsimte, Naranjo, Tamarindito, Ixkun, Ixtutz, El Peten, Seibal, Yaxchilan, Lubaantun, El Baul, Bilboa, Jimbal, Uaxactun, Lamanai, Caracol, El Palmar, Calakmul, Copan, Palenque, and Chichen Itza. She could definitely compete with Dr. Jones. And to my women readers, I'd say she'd come out on top.

Merle Greene Robertson died at her home in San Francisco in 2011. She was 97 years old.

If you enjoyed this post, check out  Where the Sky is Born: Living in the Land of the Maya, on Amazon. My website is www.jeaninekitchel.com. Books one and two in my Mexico cartel trilogy, Wheels Up—A Novel of Drugs, Cartels and Survival, and Tulum Takedown, are also on Amazon. And my journalistic overview of the Maya 2012 calendar phenomenon, Maya 2012 Revealed: Demystifying the Prophecy, is on Amazon.

MAYA SCHOLARS RACE AGAINST THIEVES TO THWART THE LOOTING OF A LOST CIVILIZATION

Xpujil Pyramid Site on Pu'uc Route (Yucatan Magazine)

PART ONE

"Tombs are robbed, temples are looted, and the past is destroyed, all to feed the international market for antiquities." Donna Yates, Archeologist and Lecturer in Antiquities Theft and Art Crime, Associate Professor at Maastricht University, Netherlands

In 1997 we drove across Mexico in our Ford Focus wagon, loaded to the nines with our belongings and our cat, heading towards a new life on the Mexican Caribbean coast. Our hearts quickened after passing through Escarcega. At the end of that lonely 170-mile stretch of road, we'd cross from the state of Campeche into Quintana Roo. Then we'd certainly be homeward bound. 

The road narrowed as Escarcega was left behind in our rearview mirror. I settled in for the long drive ahead. We decided when we got to a stretch of little known pyramids at the half-way point we'd take a break, make a sandwich, and let Max, then just a kitten, walk around. I'd recently read about this quartet of pyramids in NatGeo—Kohunlich, Becan, Chicanna, and Xpujil—near the great ceremonial center Calakmul. Though these sites didn't have the star power of Chichen Itza or Tulum, Kohunlich, known for its Temple of the Masks, gained fame in 1971 when looters tried to sell one of its huge eight foot stucco masks to New York's Metropolitan Museum of Art. 

We made good time, virtually seeing no other cars on the road. Around 4 p.m. we passed Chicanna. Soon after, I spotted the towers of Xpujil from the road. "Can we stop?" I asked Paul. 

He nodded and we pulled down a sascab lane a good ways past an open wire gate into a rough parking area. I extricated myself from the car while Paul saw to Max. I stretched, then went to the back end of the car to find the cooler. I'd brought bread, mayonnaise and a couple cans of tuna. A quick sandwich would be welcome as we'd had only fruit and juice for a late breakfast around 11, not wanting to take time to stop. I pulled out a plastic container for mixing, located the can opener, mayo and bread, and began assembling a rather unglamorous tuna sandwich. As I finished up spreading the lumpy fish onto Bimbo wheat bread, I called to Paul. 

He'd put Max back inside the car. We leaned against the door, ready for our afternoon snack. After the sandwich I told him I wanted to have a quick look around the site. Just as I bit into the tuna fish, a white, older model International with a large tarp-covered trailer pulled into the parking area, leaving dust in its wake. Two men sat inside; an older man was driving. The vehicle was about 100 feet away when the guy riding shotgun jumped out. He was young and lanky, nineteen or so, and moved fast across the parking lot. The truck had Canadian plates and the driver kept the engine idling. 

"Weird," I said to Paul. "I wonder what they're up to. Why'd just one guy get out and why isn't the driver turning off the engine?"

"It is weird." 

We both watched the young man dart through the fence and run along the path leading to the pyramid site. 

With the truck still idling, we viewed the scene warily. "I don't feel good about this."

"Me neither. What are they doing?" Paul began to push things into the way-back. I followed his lead and closed the cooler, holding my sandwich in one hand. I tossed the can opener and bag of bread into the wayback.

"Let's get out of here. Something isn't right. Maybe they're scouting the ruins for artifacts. What's the trailer for?" I asked.

"Not good," Paul agreed. "And what's with the tarp? The cat's inside? Then let's go."

The truck had parked at just the right angle so we couldn't see the driver, as if it was planned that way. If these guys were grave looters, we didn't want to be around when INAH (National Institute of Anthropology and History) discovered them, or worse, the federales. 

Paul started the car and headed towards the long driveway that led out to the highway. The white International was still idling when I turned around and gave it one last look.

"Grave robbers? Were they grave robbers? Or looters?"

"We don't want to know," Paul said as we eased onto the uneven asphalt, amped up the gas, and headed towards Chetumal.

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NOT JUST WHITE COLLAR CRIME

Antiquity looters come in many guises as the above tale tells—unassuming tourist types, locals, businessmen looking to make a buck, collectors.

And as the international appetite for Maya culture continues to grow, so does the hunger for illegal artifacts. Researchers say it's a race against time and increasingly tenacious looters.

One of the Remaining Masks at Kohunlich

Art theft is big business. Ask any dealer of antiquities. It's a 'trade' worth billions, and it's not going away any time soon. As long as there's poverty in undeveloped countries where ancient civilizations once stood, you can bank on it. Some art dealers call it the world's second oldest profession. Any country in civil war or conflict is ripe for antiquities looting, says Tess Davis, archeologist from Boston University and legal expert. When conflict erupts in an archeological rich country, the world-wide art market is suddenly flooded with antiquities from that ravaged country. Artifact looting becomes a means of subsistence when homelands are war-torn and ravished, and it's practiced in a variety of environments, from Peru and the Andes Mountains to the Peten jungle and the Central Mexican highlands, for starters.

THE RISE OF NARCOTICS TRAFFICKING

"The public should be aware this is not just a white collar crime. Insurgents, terrorists are using the antiquities trade to fund their efforts. Unless we get it together soon, I fear there is going to be nothing left," Davis said in a lecture titled "Tomb Raiders and Terrorist Financing," for Boston University alumnae.

Of the organized trafficking groups involved in a diversified portfolio of illicit activities, most are dealing drugs as well as other commodities. The market prices antiquities can draw are too high for organizations dealing in contra-band to ignore. 

THE LOOTING OF THE PETEN

Palace of Palenque by Frederick Catherwood

Compared with well known ancient civilizations in Europe and Western Asia, archeological interest in the Maya culture came relatively late, partially because of the forbidding nature of the deep-jungle sites. The outside world was first exposed to Maya ruins through the writings and drawings of explorers John Lloyd Stephens and Frederick Catherwood. Their early adventuring shone a light on the Maya. After their travel memoirs about the Maya and the Yucatan were published in 1843, many adventurers trekked on through, conducting rudimentary recordings of archeological sites with limited removal of Maya artifacts. The first actual excavations were not conducted until the 20th century.

THE BEGINNINGS

Art and antiquity, according to Archeologist Donna Yates in her thesis, "Displacement, Deforestation and Drugs: Antiquities Trafficking and Narcotics Economies of Guatemala," underwent a huge upheaval in the first half of the 20th century. Aesthetic tastes in contemporary art shifted to modern looks and forms and an interest was taken in tribal art. Defined against a classic Western model, these disparate cultural traditions included ancient and modern cultural objects originating from Africa, parts of Asia, and the Americas. The appeal, her thesis stated, was that they didn't conform to familiar Greek and Roman styles. And demand grew as connections from these objects were drawn publicly between them and famous artists of the day such as Picasso, Kahlo, Giacometti, and Rivera. Soon, powerful collectors began to source them from their countries of origin for private collections.

The Maya on Display at Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

At the same time, 1957, Nelson Rockefeller founded the Museum of Primitive Art in New York. This was a watershed for the collection of Maya and other "primitive" cultural properties. The Maya were on the market.

MAYA DEBUT

Yates' thesis explained that endemic looting of nearly every known Maya site began around 1960. Collectors and museums, inspired by Rockefeller's acquisitions, were looking to fill the Maya gap in their collections and demanded the very best the Maya had to offer. This meant that even the large carved stone stelas that depicted the events of Maya lords and their recorded histories along with large architectural treasures from Maya temples were looted, trafficked, and sold. Size was not an issue.

Clemency Coggins is a professor of both Archeology and Art History at Boston University, and also holds a degree from Harvard University in Fine Arts. Decades ago she wrote,"In the last ten years there has been an incalculable increase in the number of monuments systematically stolen, mutilated, and illicitly exported from Guatemala and Mexico in order to feed the inter-national art market. Not since the 16th century has Latin American been so ruthlessly plundered."

RANSACKING RUINS

Guatemala Soldier Scouts Site of Xultun for Looters

Unfortunately this plundering tore the stelas, large concrete-like slabs that stood in front of pyramids to honor Maya kings and their empires' procla-mations, births, deaths and marriages, and they were ripped from where they stood. In order to understand any individual site, it's imperative for archeologists to know the provenance of stelas or pieces that have been looted. Without dates and locations it's impossible to place the art, the site, the structure, even the times and historical issues taking place when it was created. The Maya's very history was being torn apart, a story with no context, as various works of art floated throughout the world, moving to private collectors and museums across the globe. 

But looters cared not for the history of the ancient Maya. Their only concern was how to remove stela that could be 15 or 20 feet high, weighing several tons. Removal was their one and only mission and taking a power saw to the stela and cutting it vertically removed the face of it. This was then usually cut into quarters to make it easier to ship and the pieces could be sold off to separate investors. Sometimes the inscriptions along the sides were damaged by their mutilation.

This plundering set the archeology world back several decades in trying to break the Maya hieroglyphic code.

BANDS OF LOOTERS

Map of Yucatan and Guatemala (By NatGeo)

A landmark paper by Clemency Coggins that is often credited with exposing the gravity of the looting situation characterizes the 1960s as a time when bands of looters moved freely through the Maya region, particularly in the sparsely populated and heavily jungled regions of Guatemala's Peten, emphasizing the mutilation of large stone monuments with power tools. Countless Maya sites (Ixtonton and La Corona) were looted before they were even located by archeologists. "It was a terrible time," she wrote.

THE WHY BEHIND THE CRIME

She explained that the 1960s looting of the Peten is tied to two jungle economies: the trade in rare hardwoods and tapping gum trees for chicle. In both instances, she wrote, men (usually) at the bottom of the supply chain moved through vast tracts of wilderness searching for different tree types. In doing so, they encountered recorded but poorly protected remote sites as well as Maya cities yet unknown to archeologists.

THE CHICLEROS

Early on in the 20th century, archeologists worked closely with these men, paying them for info about new sites and monuments. Chicleros, as chicle hunters are known, are credited with locating many important sites in the Peten—Uaxactun, Xultun and even Calakmul, the famous Heritage Site. But when chicle prices bottomed out in the 1970s, financial gains for looting and trafficking in antiquities grew. Chicleros could expect higher rewards by reporting an unknown site to a trafficker rather than to an archeologist. And they could even be employed in the demolition, for added revenue.

Said one archeologist as he peered at the looting damage of a Xultun temple literally cut through the middle, "The humans are more poisonous than the snakes."

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Part Two will delve into a number of pyramid sites plundered, the lack of security at even famous sites, and what can be done to address the trafficking of antiquities. Stay tuned.

If you enjoyed this post, check out  Where the Sky is Born: Living in the Land of the Maya, on Amazon. My website is www.jeaninekitchel.com. Books one and two in my Mexico cartel trilogy, Wheels Up—A Novel of Drugs, Cartels and Survival, and Tulum Takedown, are also on Amazon. And my journalistic overview of the Maya 2012 calendar phenomenon, Maya 2012 Revealed: Demystifying the Prophecy, is on Amazon.

A SUNKEN CITY IN BELIZE UNCOVERS THE MAYA'S SECRET TRADE ADVANTAGE—SALT

Known in the ancient world as astute astronomers, temple builders, and lords of the jungle, the Maya captured our imagination by their ability to read the night sky and to build magnificent stepped pyramids.

Often left out of the Maya's intricate narrative is their competence at having developed extensive trade networks that linked present day Guatemala, Honduras, and the Yucatán to the Caribbean coast.

TRADERS EXTRAORDINAIRE

Using large seagoing canoes, Maya traders plied the Caribbean coast from Mexico to Panama, bringing obsidian, jade, feathers, pelts, and numerous other goods from the interior and highlands of their vast empire to far flung regions. But little has been mentioned until lately of their most highly valued commodity—salt. 

                               

Bolon Yookte' K'Uh, Maya God of Trade

The Yucatán Peninsula has salt fields in Rio Lagartos, made famous by the annual migration of the flamingos that return to feast on the pink brine shrimp that give them color. The flats are large bodies of water where natural condensation has removed the water from the mineral so that salt can be harvested.

Rio Lagartos Salt Flats 

SALT BRINE

But salt from salt fields was not the only type of salt the Maya traded. During the peak of the Classic Era, from 300 to 900 AD, coastal Maya also produced salt by boiling brine in pots over fires. The end result was shaped into salt cakes, then paddled by canoe to coastal cities to be traded extensively at markets throughout MesoAmerica.

Heather McKillop On Site

Salt is essential for life and as ancient civilizations evolved from hunters and gatherers into agrarian societies, it was not immediately clear how this mineral was acquired until Heather McKillop, an archeologist at Louisiana State University along with her co-author anthropologist Kazuo Aoyama from Japan's Ibaraki University, an expert on stone tools, produced evidence in research published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

THIRTY YEAR STUDY

McKillop has been studying salt production sites in Belize's Maya lowlands for 30 years. After discovering a number of submerged Maya cities through underwater excavations, research revealed how the Maya manufactured salt. The discovery comes from a now submerged archeological site known as Ta'ab Nuk Na. It was inhabited from 600 to 800 AD in an area Belizians call Paynes Creek.

Ta'ab Nuk Na is the largest known Maya saltworks in the country and the most revelatory. Her team has uncovered the remains of 110 salt-producing kitchens in the region, each one capable of producing enough salt for 7,000 people per day.

Sharing her co-author and stone expert Kazuo Aoyama's input, McKillop said in Science Daily, "I thought the findings would be that they cut a lot of wood, but in fact, the majority of the stone tools were used for cutting meat and fish. That really changed our views."

Team Excavating Ta'ab Nuk Na (Photo Heather McKillop)

SALT AND THE MAYA ECONOMY

She and Aoyama realized, McKillop continued, that not only were the Maya producing a lot of salt, they were also using salt to produce necessary food commodities for export. This meant the salt-producing Maya played an important role in the greater Maya civilization, which at its height, was believed to have encompassed millions of people throughout MesoAmerica.

"Our research is clear that the coastal Maya were an integral part of the Maya economy because they produced and traded a basic commodity, salt. Since everybody needed salt, the coastal Maya really contributed to daily life," said McKillop.

PRESERVED BY MANGROVES

Although water erodes century-old wooden structures, the Belize site is embedded in anaerobic mangrove peat which contains very low oxygen and staves off micro-organisms that would typically break down similar structures.

Mangroves in Belize (Restorationproject.com)

The survey revealed the presence of ancient salt works, called kitchens, for brine broiling. The salty sea water would be placed in ceramic vessels and heated on a fire. The water would evaporate off, leaving behind just the salt. This valuable mineral was stored in the vessels and traded. New analyses of stone tools found at the Paynes Creek Salt Works site—as it is being called—reveal that not only were the Maya making salt in large quantities but were also salting fish and meat to meet dietary needs while producing a commodity that could be stored and traded. 

SALT KITCHEN WORKERS

Not much is known about the salt workers and their lives. Though they may have been seasonal or daily workers, finding a residence at Ta'ab Nuk Na leads researches to believe this was also their home. But lack of verifiable information leaves a gap in drawing the complete picture of salt sale production and distribution.

Moving Wood Post in Water (Photo by Heather McKillop)

Excavations revealed the remains of several buildings dating to the 6th century—ten pole and hatch huts were discovered. Marking individual artifacts on the sea floor allowed the team to see their distribution and reconstruct the activities in the different buildings, McKillop said. 

MULTI-FACETED 

Not only did the Maya "work from home" by producing salt in their backyards, they also performed household activities such as fishing, preparing and cooking food, woodworking, and spinning cotton. Researchers say the household would have produced salt for itself before trading the surplus with other communities. 

Salt was a scarce commodity inland, where Maya cities were experiencing growth. Most of those areas were supplied from salt works that were located along the coast. In total, the sites at Ta'ab Nuk Na and elsewhere in the lagoon could have produced 60 tons of salt over the course of the four-month dry season, based on the production of a modern salt works in Guatemala. Along with being an invaluable tool for preserving food, salt was also used as currency in the Maya economy.

COTTAGE INDUSTRY

"You might expect this high demand to require a huge organized industry but it appears the civilization's huge salt output was mainly built upon this kind of cottage industry," McKillop said in the Science Daily article.

McKillop's study is a three-square mile area surrounded by mangrove forest that had been buried beneath a saltwater lagoon due to sea level rise.

"Sea level rise completely submerged these sites underwater," she said. 

WATERY FATE

It's not yet clear exactly when the Belize cities met their underwater fate. But McKillop's research is ongoing and she's positive she and her team will get to the bottom of the salt question and through technology, identify dates that the sea might have taken over. And maybe now that archeologists are aware of underwater cities that were vital parts of the Maya empire, more underwater excavations will occur. Stay tuned.

Paynes Creek National Park (By CosyCorner.com)

If you enjoyed this post, check out Where the Sky is Born: Living in the Land of the Maya, on Amazon. My website is www.jeaninekitchel.com. Books one and two in my Mexico cartel trilogy, Wheels Up—A Novel of Drugs, Cartels and Survival, and Tulum Takedown, are also on Amazon. And my journalistic overview of the Maya 2012 calendar phenomenon, Maya 2012 Revealed: Demystifying the Prophecy, is on Amazon.

HOW A CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGIST HELPED UNLOCK THE SECRETS OF THE MAYA CALENDAR

 

Barbara Tedlock with Maya Woman in Guatemala

BARBARA TEDLOCK

Cultural anthropologist Barbara Tedlock has spent a lifetime exploring the spaces between the lines in numerous ethnic cultures. Equipped with a masters degree in Ethnomusicology along with a masters and PhD in Anthropology, she and her husband Dennis Tedlock, best known for his translation of The Popul Vuh: Mayan Book of the Dawn of Life, traveled the world to engage in a new kind of cross-cultural understanding to learn how cultures think, dream, heal, honor their ancestors, and live.

Though publication is an important aspect for anthropologists, diving into the field may well be their life blood. Tedlock is also a key figure in anthropological dream research. Though she has authored many books, this post will center on Time and the Highland Maya, exploring how the Maya view time.

TIME AND THE HIGHLAND MAYA

The Tedlocks' fieldwork began in June 1975 for three months, then ten months in 1976, and lastly another three months in 1979. They conducted formal, structured ethnographic surveys as well as informal, unstructured interviews. They read from ethno-historical documents with consultants and viewed previously reported "facts" through observation and eventually through their own apprenticeships. Studies were conducted in five K'iche' communities, with the majority of time being spent in Momostenango, Guatemala. They interviewed weavers, merchants, farmers, town officials and various religious specialists ranging from members of a Catholic Action group to dozens of priest-shamans.

Barbara discussed a 1722 historical document with a Momostecan elder, a Maya calendar that was written in the K'iche' language. Tapes were made during both formal and informal interviews. In the middle stages of Barbara's work in Momostenango, she and Dennis undertook formal training as calendar diviners and were initiated in August, 1976. This allowed them to perform calendrical divinations for K'iche' Maya who solicited their services.

San Andres de Xecul in Momostenango (Photo TraveloGuatemala) 

MAYA CALENDAR

Quoting Barbara Tedlock, "The ancient Maya were great horologists, or students of time. They measured the lunar cycle and solar year; lunar and solar eclipses; and the risings of Venus and Mars with accuracy. In many cases their measurements were more accurate than those of the Europeans who conquered them.

"But unlike the Europeans," she continued, "the Maya were interested not only in the quantities of time but also in its qualities, especially its meaning for human affairs."

Though the Tedlocks were quick to understand Maya astronomy practices, efforts to inhabit their symbolic world became more nuanced and demanding.

Chichen Itza By Night (By Astrojem.net)

As explained by Barbara, the very foundation of their calendar—composed of myriad overlays of cycles of differing lengths and portents—rested on a cycle of 260 named and numbered days. The names of this cycle had no obvious correlation with astronomical events and the names of its days and their divinatory interpretations were largely lacking in astronomical references.

HIGHLAND VS. LOWLAND INTERPRETATIONS

According to Barbara Tedlock, among the Lowland Maya of the Yucatán, the ancient ways of interpreting time are known from inscriptions on thousands of stone monuments (stela) and from the few ancient books that survived the fires of Spanish missionaries and a handful of early colonial documents. But the contemporary indigenous people of the Yucatán region have long since forgotten how to keep time in the manner of their ancestors, she observed.

However with the Highland Maya, she wrote, and especially those from the western highlands where the Tedlocks chose to land, the situation is reversed. The monuments there are bare of inscriptions, according to Tedlock, and not one of the ancient books escaped the flames. But it is among the Highland Maya rather than their Lowland cousins that time continues to this day to be calculated and given meaning according to ancient methods. Scores of indigenous Guatemalan communities speaking Mayan languages keep the 260-day cycle and, in many cases, the ancient solar cycle as well.

Guatemalan Western Highlands

TOLZK'IN CALENDAR

For this reason, Barbara Tedlock chose this particular region in western Guatemala's high

lands to study and do her work. And it is here where she was confirmed as a day keeper. "The Tzolk'in calendar," said Tedlock, "was primarily used for making predictions and communicating with the gods or ancestors. 

"The Maya believe a god rules each day and depending on that god's traits, it could be good or bad for certain activities. The calendar is easy to remember and that's why it has been passed down and used to this day. It fits into the culture of the people.

The 260-Day Calendar Arranged by Number
From Time and the Highland Maya, by Tedlock

"It fits into their agriculture, their spinning, their weaving. It's something people use and it doesn't conflict with our calendar," she explained. "People look at the characteristics, the god, of every day, If it's a day that relates to money, then it's time to pay bills."

RECRUITMENT

Being indoctrinated as a day keeper for a non-indigenous person is almost unthinkable. But the Tedlocks came to it through a great backstory which I'll share. They were indoctrinated under the formal apprenticeship of a diviner in Momostenango in the 70s. This is no small undertaking and day keepers are recruited in shamanistic fashion, with "divine election" through birth, dreams, and/or illness.

They'd been spending a lot of time in various Highlands pueblos, touring churches, asking questions, and a day keeper divined that they were annoying people at shrines. He told them they had entered shrines without being ritually clean. A little scared by his remarks, they left the Highlands for the city where Barbara became seriously ill. Her illness eventually passed. They returned to Momostenango, renewed contact with the day keeper, and were then allowed to enter their apprenticeships.

DIVINE ELECTION

For Barbara Tedlock, "divine election" came about through illness. The unusual opportunity to learn divination was provided to them by a gifted, socially prominent priest-shaman who had noticed their intense interest in the topic and observed Barbara's cooperation in answering questions he asked during the calendrical divinations he performed for her during the illness. His high status and reputation allowed him to risk potential public and private criticism for accepting foreigners as students. Both Barbara and Dennis were trained and initiated together because it was divined that their joint indiscretions had caused her illness, also and because their teacher had a series of dreams that recommended "united" service" for them.

Barbara's role in learning of divinatory service involved a role not formally discussed in the sociological or anthropological literature on the topic of fieldwork, namely, participant-as-observed. Shortly after beginning formal training, Barbara realized that her teacher's personal commitment to their training was extremely serious. If they failed as students, he failed, and their social disgrace would become his.

VILLAGE LIFE

With that being said, they settled into village life in Guatemala, became initiated as day keepers, learned the rituals, and made fewer treks north. As time went on, their contemporaries in the US said they had "gone native," not unlike the consensus among Margaret Mead and her husband's fellow anthropologists during their work in Papua New Guinea and the South Seas.

As for their roles as anthropologists, the Tedlocks returned to them in full as soon as the liminal period was over, on the day of their initiation. Barbara Tedlock's account of the ritual life of an Indigenous community in Guatemala offered a rare glimpse at the importance of ancient religious symbols in the daily world of a twentieth-century Indigenous people. Her participation in the calendric rituals that permeated every aspect of life in Momostenango gave her a unique perspective on the fascination with time that has long characterized the Maya culture.

Tedlock is the author of a number of books including The Woman in a Shaman's Body; Dreaming: Anthropological and Psychological Interpretations; The Beautiful and the Dangerous: Encounters with the Zuni Indians. Her books explore cross-cultural understanding and communication of dreams, ethno-medicines, and aesthetics.

Guatemala

If you enjoyed this post, check out Where the Sky is Born: Living in the Land of the Maya, on Amazon. My website is www.jeaninekitchel.com. Books one and two in my Mexico cartel trilogy, Wheels Up—A Novel of Drugs, Cartels and Survival, and Tulum Takedown, are also on Amazon/ And my journalistic overview of the Maya 2012 calendar phenomenon, Maya 2012 Revealed: Demystifying the Prophecy, is on Amazon.

THE MAGNIFICENT MAYA CALENDAR SYSTEM AND HOW IT WORKS

Maya Calendar (historyonthenet.com)

"The deep time of the Maya calendar is stunning in its scale. . . It expressed the grandest expressions of time ever put down on stone or paper by human minds." David Stuart, archeologist and MacArthur Genius Grant recipient.  

THE CALENDARS

What if you thought of a calendar—or time—as a spiral, not a sheaf of papers that hang on a wall?

The Maya viewed time differently than we do today with the Gregorian calendar. The present was determined by the past. Everything repeated, everything was a recurring pattern. They only had to view the past to know what would happen in the future. Their intricate system of separate calendars was possibly used for predictions, say some archaeologists like Michael Coe, though others would disagree. It is widely thought that they borrowed the system from their Mesoamerican neighbors, the Olmec.

True Maya Calendar from Madrid Codex

Three calendars were a staple of every day Maya life. This triumvirate includes the Tzol'kin, or sacred round, which lasts 260 days; the Haab', which is a 360-day "solar"calendar to coordinate with the total number of days it takes the earth to rotate around the sun but with five 'days that had no name' at the end coming to 365; and the Long Count calendar, one of the most important cycles of Maya time, which lasts 5,125 years and which had been forecast to end on December 21, 2012.

COUNT OF DAYS

The 260-day Tzol'kin calendar is religious in its bearing. The count of days, as it is also known, was invented by pairing two smaller cycles—numbers one through thirteen—which equals the number of layers in Maya heaven, and the cycle of the twenty "day" names. The Tzol'kin is formed as a circle, not as a straight line.

"There is nothing quite like it, anywhere else in the world, " says archaeo-astronomer Anthony Aveni, author of The End of Time: The Maya Mystery of 2012. "The sacred Tzol'kin is the centerpiece of the Maya calendar system; it is the single most important chunk of time the Maya ever kept, and still keep, in remote areas.

"But why 260?" pondered Aveni. "Multiply numbers thirteen and twenty? Also the Venus cycle's appearance as morning or evening star is 263 days."

Aveni believes that 260 days came about as some enlightened daykeeper, eons ago, realized this particular number signified so much.

FOCAL HARMONY

"It was a focal harmony point. It brought together so many of nature's phenomena: the moon, Venus, planting cycles. It may not have come about in a flash," he continues, "but with Maya knowledge that number and nature are joined together perfectly, the discovery of the multiple significance of 260 was bound to be raised to prominence in Maya time consciousness. One even took their name and their fortune from the day name in the 260-day count calendar."

COMMUNING WITH THE GODS

Maya God Images (mayangods.com)

The Tzol'kin could have been used for making predictions, for communicating with the gods. The Maya believed a god ruled each day, and depending on that god's traits, it could be good or bad for certain activities. This calendar was used in the way one's horoscope would be viewed today.

The calendar is easy to remember and that's why it has been passed down and is still in use. It fits into the culture of the people, said Barbara Tedlock, anthropologist and author of Time and the Highland Maya.

The Haab' calendar, which works with the Tzol'kin, has 18 named "months" of 20 calendar days each. The Maya then added five days at the end of this 360-day cycle. It was considered a nineteenth month and these five odd days were considered unlucky but essential to bring a total of 365 days for a full rotation cycle.

Caracol Observatory at Chichen Itzá

CALENDAR ROUND

These two calendars, like cogs in a wheel, meshed a named day in the Tzol'kin and also had a conjunct day in the Haab'. But this same "double" day could never reproduce again for 52 years, roughly the length of a human life. This was called the calendar round, and the only annual time count possessed by the people of Mexico. There were 260 possible different combinations of number and name in this creation. A Maya Calendar Round date is actually two dates listed as a pair, with a separate reference point.

Night Star Gazing at Chichen Itza (by Chichenitza.com)

In this combined calendar round, slippage occurred because a year is actually 365.24 days which as mathematicians and stargazers extraordinaire they had computed, but this did not bother the Maya. Nor did they try to play catch up like we do with leap years. They just let time roll along.

"That would mean Christmas could back up to early fall or the Fourth of July might back up into the cold of winter for us," said Anthony Aveni. "It wasn't of concern to the Maya," he continued, "because they placed more emphasis on following an unbroken chain of time."

52-YEAR CYCLE

This 52-year cycle combination was celebrated throughout Mesoamerica. The Aztecs included it in their fire ceremony that was timed by sky events. At midnight, when the calendar keepers saw the Pleiades had passed the zenith, they knew the movements of the heavens hadn't stopped, the world had not ended, and they would have another 52 years. 

Third in the triumvirate of Maya calendars is the Long Count and although widely used in Mesoamerica, the Maya took it to its highest degree during the classic period. The Long Count consisted of 13 baktuns. One baktun is 400 years. The starting point of the Long Count calendar, according to early archeologist Eric Thompson, was August 11, 3114 BC. It was known as 4 Ahaw.

13TH BAKTUN

This date may have been chosen because it coincided with the completion of a cycle of successful crops, an August summer's day. If you flash forward 5,125 years you come to the cycle's end, and this is where the December 21, 2012 debate came in. It also ended the thirteenth baktun cycle, an auspicious time for the Maya or 13.0.0.0.0. as carved on Maya stela.

Oldest Known Maya Mural, San Bartolo, Guatemala (by sciencenews.com)

Aveni goes on to explain the Maya used this innovation in their calendar so royalty could create a dynastic narrative that covered vast stretches of elapsed time. It extended Maya culture all the way back to the creation of the gods, cementing the reputation of daykeepers and royalty as gods themselves.

DAYKEEPERS

The daykeepers act as go-betweens. "They are empowered to make prayers to the gods and ancestors on behalf of the lay people," Barbara Tedlock said.

Maya Scribe

He or she pays attention to each and every day, making offerings of copal incense and lighting candles; they also do dream interpretations. Through dreams and reading the day's influence, recommendations were then made for the best course of action and both were used to plot one's future. Barbara Tedlock, anthologist along with her husband Dennis, author, translator and anthrologist, were initiated as daykeepers in a Guatemala highlands pueblo where they lived from 1975 to 1979, a very unusual occurrence for those not of Maya descent. 

It's hard for the modern world to fathom why such a complex calendar system existed. Michael Coe, archeologist and author of The Maya (Editions one through eight), stated his belief of the why's and wherefores like this: "How such a period of time even came into being is an enigma, but the use to which it was put is clear: Every single day had its own omens and associations and the march of the twenty days acted like a fortune-telling machine guiding the destinies of all the Maya and the peoples of Mexico who used this calendar. It still survives in unchanged form among some indigenous peoples of southern Mexico and the Maya highlands, under the guard of the calendar priests."

Maya Stela of Ruler

With this calendar fashioned as a direct line to the cosmos, royalty and priests were able to govern and control the masses by predicting common events. Most likely with the aid of their calendars and the predictions derived from them, the Maya enjoyed 1500 years of relative stability. It was not until ninth century AD, the finale of the classic period of the Maya, that the Long Count was abandoned and not seen again on Maya stela. Times were changing. One wonders if the stars and calendars predicted that. And I would guess that yes, they did.

If you enjoyed this post, check out my other works, Where the Sky is Born: Living in the Land of the Maya. It's available on Amazon with tales of expat life and living within 100 miles of four major pyramid sites. Also, check out my website at www.jeaninekitchel.com. Books one and two in my Mexico cartel trilogy, Wheels Up—A Novel of Drugs, Cartels and Survival, and Tulum Takedown, are available on Amazon where you can find my overview of the 2012 Maya calendar phenomenon, Maya 2012 Revealed—Demystifying the Prophecy.*

*Excerpts of Chapter 6 from my book Maya 2012 Revealed—Demystifying the Prophecy were used in the post.